2 G Scam - Manmohan Singh and an Unknown Hand by Pavithran



CBI VS Raja – Saini’s Full Judgement copy – Click the link below to read it:


OP Saini’s judgement accused two officials in PMO for not dealing with the letters received from A.Raja about the vital issue about issuing new spectrum licences in a professional and proper manner.  Raja’s particular letter to the PM had indicated a shift in the telecom licensing policy – change initiated was from date of application to date of payment of fee. 

Saini alledged that this change of base date which was clearly a change in the telecom licensing policy was not properly brought to the notice of PM by these two officials in the PMO.

Saini had identified them and named them in his judgement as well and they were Pulok Chatterjee and TKA Nair – more on Pulok rather than Nair.


Actually Saini said in his judgement – item 1806 that ‘the facts were misrepresented to the PM’ and as a proof of his statement quoted two notings of Pulok in item 1805 as under:


Note 1: ‘PM wants this informally shared with the department. Does not want a formal communication and wants PMO to be at arms length.’  

Note 2: Informally shared with Secretary, DOT. We may keep on file.’

By these notings, Saini came to the conclusion that PM was misrepresented not by A.Raja, but Pulok Chatterjee, in consultation with TKA Nair, as Pulok had suppressed the most relevant and controversial part of the letter of A. Raja from the PM. Saini had further observed that if PM, if he had been properly briefed with the Raja’s decisions to go ahead with the first-cum, first-served basis as envisaged by him which was not approved by the PM, could have stopped Raja from going ahead with his decision to issue licenses. 

Further, in item 1798, Saini criticized Pulok Chatterjee thus: After discussing the matter with Sh. T. K. A. Nair, Pulok recorded a long note running to 5 pages to A.Raja’s 2 pages letter with an ennexture of 3 pages (that also comes to 5 pages of Pulok!) and the note of Pulok did not consider the most important issue of the issue of new licences.

Saini observed further as under: Moreover, the note suffered from the vice of excessive length and technical jargon. It is lengthier than the letter of Sh. A. Raja. Prime Minister is a busy executive. Wherefrom would he find time to read such lengthy notes. Prime Minister is not expected to be immersed in files. It was much easier and better for him to read and understand the letter of Sh. A. Raja rather than this note of Sh. Pulok Chatterjee.

Why Raja was bent upon to his scheme of things – inspite of clear objections of PM in his refusal for ‘First-come-First Severved earlier, but, were going on pestering his line of action and immediately getting green signal – oral or written (seems to be oral) – from Pulok to his secretary, Raja had moved fast and allotted licences! – These were coolly ignored by Saini – praising Raja for his sharp and short note, his Hard Core Politics, His justified Anger towards his seniormost secretary etc.

The most controversial lines in Saini judgement run thus:

Item 1799: The file was placed before the then Hon'ble Prime Minister on 07.01.2008. It is not clear from the record, if this note was seen by the then Hon'ble Prime Minister or not. However, it is clear that somebody from the PMO had given a go ahead to the DoT for issue of new licences and most probably it was Sh. Pulok Chatterjee himself, as his note records that he had spoken to Secretary (T). … Had the PMO hinted otherwise, the DoT would not have dared to go ahead with the process of issue of LOIs as Secretary (T) had only joined on 01.01.2008 and was quite new in his job. He would not have dared to go against the PMO.

Who is Pulok Chatterji?

He has a long history of association with the Gandhi family, serving in the PMO of Rajiv Gandhi and then in Rajiv Gandhi Foundation and then as an officer on special duty to Sonia Gandhi. The media has consistently described Chatterji as a family loyalist, when he was appointed as additional secretary in UPA-I and when he became principal secretary in UPA-II.  So the question is, whose loyalty and interests was Chatterji serving when he concealed information from Singh, as the CBI court judge has found? And if Singh was actually misled or was completely unhappy with the events of 2007-08, why did he allow Chatterji to return in 2011 at an even higher grade, this time as head of the PMO?
However, it would be interesting to take a look at what Sanjay Baru, a former colleague of Mr. Chattejee in the PMO had to say of him in his book, “The Accidental Prime Minister”.
In the book Mr. Baru describes Mr. Chatterjee as a sort of 10 Janpath mole at 7 Race Course Road and in South Block.
Following is an excerpt from Baru’s book:
Pulok, like Nair, suffered from the handicap that his own service had never regarded him as one of its bright sparks. A serving IAS officer, he had never worked in any important ministry. He was inducted into Rajiv’s PMO as a deputy secretary after having served as a district official in Amethi, his constituency in Uttar Pradesh, where he had caught Rajiv’s eye. After Rajiv’s death, he chose to work for the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation where he did some worthwhile social development work. But this meant that he was not just outside government but completely identified with the Gandhi family.
When Pulok returned to government, it was to work on the personal staff of Sonia Gandhi when she was leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha.
Pulok, who was inducted into the Manmohan Singh PMO at the behest of Sonia Gandhi, had regular, almost daily, meetings with Sonia at which he was said to brief her on the key policy issues of the day and seek her instructions on important files to be cleared by the PM.
Indeed, Pulok was the single most important point of regular contact between the PM and Sonia. He was also the PMO’s main point of contact with the National Advisory Council (NAC), a high-profile advisory body chaired by Sonia Gandhi with social activists as members. It was sometimes dubbed the Shadow Cabinet.
In para 1804, the judge also said that the reason for placing such partial facts before the PM, would be best known to Mr Chatterjee himself.
While the above is clear, some questions do come up:
1. Were Chatterjee’s actions an error or a deliberate move?

2. If deliberate:

a.                 Did he act on his own account, as just another bureaucrat, or was he acting on someone’s behest?

b. Can it be ruled out that this entire process was orchestrated to seem like it was an “error”, when in fact it was done to first facilitate, and the cover-up, the controversial issue of licenses?

c. Who is most likely to have influenced Chatterjee to become the fall-guy for an “error”?

The judgement does not seem to deal with the above questions since the main accused was Mr A Raja, and the judge has found him not guilty. While the Congress is celebrating the judgement as a vindication of their stand, the above observation by the judge, that the PM was “misled” by “suppression of facts”, by a PMO official who happens to be a Sonia Gandhi loyalist, can be far more damaging than Raja conviction.
The judgement essentially clears A Raja, but shines the light of suspicion on the PMO and associated characters.
In essence, Raja had written letters to Singh informing him that licences would be issued to those who made DD payments by the cut-off date (and cut-off date was arbitrarily brought forward so that those who were aware of it in advance could comply while the rest were unable to do it). This was the crux of the scam. However, as per the court,  Chatterji misinformed Singh, therefore allowing the scam to take place, and only when the scam became national news did he go into damage control. 
Due to this judgement, from Raja and Kanimozhi, the needle of suspicion in 2G Scam shifts to Soniaji – and its man Pulok in PMO of Manmohan Singh.

Incidentally some background check of OP Saini:
v Dec 21 2017 : Judge OP Saini clears Kanimozhi and A Raja of all charges in 2G Scam

v Feb 2 2017 : Judge OP Saini clears Maran brothers of all charges in Aircel-Maxis case.

v Feb 5 2012: Judge OP Saini clears P Chidambaram of all charges in 2G Scam

Though we are not here to allege any motives to Saini’s judgements, one could reasonably feel that all round praise of the accused Raja could have been avoided and at the same time, all out condemnations of some of the witnesses in his judgement as well.
An open accusation of Dr Swamy was as under:

Distribution of 2G spectrum scam bribe money which amounts to 60,000 crores :

A.   Raja – 3000 Crore
B.    P Chidambaram – 5000 Crore
C.    M Karunanidhi – 16000 Crore
D.   Sonia Gandhi sister Anuska – 18000 Crore
E.    Sonia Gandhi sister Nadia – 18000 Crore

Let me finish the article with two relevant quotes from Manmohan Singh and P.Chidambaram:

Then PM Manmohan Singh on February, 2011: Who got the lecences .. how FCFS (First Come First Served) was implemented .. this was never discussed with me nor was it brought to the cabinet. This was exclusively telecom minister’s decision.

P. Chidambaram, Former Finance Minister on November 2014: 2G could have been handed differently .. the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh could have put his foot down and said I am sorry, I would not let you go forward and follow the first come first served route. He could have said that, otherwise after the 2G licenses were granted, he could have said that we cancel their licences.

Our Manmohan Singh had said, when questioned about his simply acknowledging Raja’s letter about 2G Spectrum allotment, that ‘Acknowledgement of letter is also Action’. When he had such ‘action oriented’ PM, we deserve Saini’s judgement and acquittal of Raja.

When P. Chidambaram as the then Home Minister, was questioned ‘why Centre is not arresting Kashmir’s terrorists?’, he said: No action is also action!

Let us hope that the High Court will render justice on the appeal of Saini’s 2G Verdicts of Acquittal of all accused especially A. Raja.

Even ‘Hidden Hand’ as observed by Saini in his judgement may be brought to witness box by the High Court. Who knows?

THINK INDIA THINK.  


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